The Construction Of Masculinity In Mens Magazines

The Construction Of Masculinity In Mens Magazines Men are increasingly becoming the consumers of ideologies and products once confined to the female domain, such as grooming products and fashion. In particular the increasing publication, and consumption, of magazines that target the male audience has been a strong media influence, such as GQ, Esquire, For Him Magazine (FHM), and, Loaded. In the chapter consuming masculinities: Style, Content and Mens Magazines in the book Men in the mirror, Tim Edwards (1997) discusses the implications of mens magazines for the development of male masculinity. He notes that since the 1980s there has been an increase in magazines that specifically target men, whether this be directly through the inclusion of style-conscious articles, or more general targeting of regular features that may appeal to men, or finally through interest magazines, which do not specifically target men but are mainly concerned with male interests such as technology or cars. During the texts discussion on the cause of the rise in mens magazines, and their influence on male masculinity, Edwards acknowledges the rise in the new man and the new lad in which new forms of masculinities can be argued to be developing within society. However, ultimately, there is a single dominant masculinity that is presented and targeted by mens magazines. Outline: Time Edwards Consuming Masculinities: Style, Content and Mens Magazines The increase in mens magazines in general is due to the social, economic, and political changes during the 1980s and 1990s. Financial advancement of many men, in particular young middle class white males in the professional and primary sectors of employment. A consequence of demographic changes now means that men now live alone or do not have children. Political encouragements of individualism and increasing aspirations from the Thatcher and Major periods. Influential position of womens and gay movements which challenge the notions of heterosexual masculinity. The increasing social acceptance of men to be consumers of their own masculinity, e.g. the male body can be sold, imitated and copied. The style and content of mens magazines appears varied and free-floating but is in fact fixed. Many of the magazines appeal to the affluent, professional, or managerial men in society. Students also comprise a strong readership in mens magazines; however it is important to remember that it is students that will eventually form the next generation of professionals. The majority of male magazines assume the heterosexuality of their readers. The legitimisation of consumption as a socially acceptable male activity as a symbol of success. Mens magazines promote a new form of masculinity which is pre-occupied with consumer-oriented attitudes and practises. Masculinity can be constantly reconstructed through the consumption of identity building activities such as shopping or leisure activities. The development of the New Lad is a continuing development upon the notions of the New Man, in which the new lad embraces masculinity. The new man is characterised as being caring and sharing, on the contrary, the new lad is characterised as being selfish, loutish and enjoys drinking, football and fucking. Literature Review: According to cultural perspectives, masculinity can be understood as providing members of society with a shared understanding of what it means to be a man: what one looks like, how one should behave (Edley and Wetherell, 1996: 106). This is evident in studies which have focused on the analysis of mens magazines, and have found that they frequently present a constructed image of masculinity. As Edley and Wetherell suggest manliness, in other words, is a contested territory; it is an ideological battlefield (1996: 106). Edwards (1997), Boni (2002) and Edley and Wetherell (1996) all acknowledge that there is a crisis of masculinity in which masculinity is being reconstructed and moving away from traditional ideas of men as main role as the breadwinner, and adopting a more consumer masculinity. In such, masculinity is argued to be consuming ideologies and products once confined to the female domain, such as fashion and leisure activates such as shopping. To demonstrate further, the increasing notion of the metrosexual male describes a masculinity which is concerned with looking good, and creating a good presentation of the self. Such a concept, previously would have been confined to the realm of women, and to some degree was seen as an expectation of women to look good for their husbands, this was particularly prominent in the Victorian ideology of gender. However, it is necessary to note that crisis does not necessary mean negative, however a re-negotiation of masculinity within society. In the chapter by Edwards (1997), masculinity is seen as being continually reconstructed in association with the consumer culture in mens magazines. Similarly, Boni (2002) also acknowledges the same in his more recent study of mens magazines. However, Boni, unlike Edwards, acknowledges that men are not simply passive viewers of magazines, but in reality engage in the information presented. In a discussion of the interpretation of health and body representations of masculinity, Boni notes that men may adopt one of three strategies of responding to the presented masculinity. The first response is the reliance strategy in which men rely on the representation of a healthy image for the standard on which to base their own life. Secondly, the reformation strategy allows for the modification of the ideal masculinity in order to fit in with a individuals abilities. Finally, the rejection strategy is adopted by individuals who oppose the masculinity presented. Thus this demonstrates that whil e mens magazines continually present and reconstruct masculinities, it is not a one way process, and in fact men interacts with these representations to fit with their own perceptions of masculinity. Furthermore, the continuing adaptations of masculinity has also generated a change in the male gaze. Previously men were deemed to look and women were to be looked at, however with the flourishing of mens magazines the male gaze has been restructured. Through mens magazines, men have been constructed as objects of desire to be bought and sold, or imitated and copied (Edwards, 1997: 125; Boni, 2002). To illustrate further in a study of mens magazine Mens Health, Boni (2002) noted that images within the magazine were frequently young, lean, muscular male bodies. Thus demonstrating that the male body is presented in mens magazines as something to adopt or aspire to. However, with the advent of the new lad acknowledged by Edwards (1997), a shift towards a separation in masculine ideologies is evident. Edwards describes the new lad as oddly still all too self-conscious and quick to consider the cut of his jeans or the Lacoste label on his T-shirt: in short, his is that most ghastly of all configurations, defensively working class which also means defensively masculine who is interested in drinking, football and fucking, and in that order (1997: 82). In addition Boni also notes the emergence of this concept of masculinity in the increasing range of mens magazines which publish topless women on their front pages, and the extensive range of soft-porn content within the magazines. What is further evident, is the separation of the new lad and the new man, and in which particular magazines target particular individuals. The new lad can be associated with a working class construction of masculinity, thus it can be argued that in recent years there has be en a development in a range of mens magazines to target different sections of society. It is thus evident that masculinity cannot be considered as a singular entity; rather in the referral to mens magazines we should discuss masculinities. While some mens magazines explicitly target and promote a single masculinity, it would be naive to consider this as the only form of masculinity within society. Edley and Wetherell (1996) note that the dominant ideology of masculinity has been enforced by the dominant class within society (i.e. the middle, upper class) through the cultural meanings reinforced through key institution, such as schools, churches, and the media. Thus the development of the new lad could be argued to be a successful attempt to fight against the dominant ideologies of masculinity presented by society. Crosscutting Themes: As has been demonstrated, the construction of masculinity within mens magazines heavily relies on the wider construction of masculinity within society. In particular the changes of the economic position of men during the post-fordism era construct men as moving away for the role of the breadwinner, and towards a more segregated role within society. Thus is is necessary to consider the wider implications of economic changes within society to understand the full impact on masculinity. However, it is important to note that it can be argued that these changes are perceived changes as men still predominantly occupy the higher sectors of employment and still continue to act as a breadwinner within the family, as may womens wages continue to be less than mens. Whats more, the wider constructions of masculinity within the media should be considered, especially in relation to the new construction of fatherhood which sees men as adopting a more caring and supportive role within the family. This therefore contradicts Edwards argument that more men are interested in mens magazines as more are remaining childless, as recent media publicity, and other academic studies, have shown fathers wanting to adopt a more integrated role in the family. To conclude, the construction of masculinity cannot be considered in a vacuum, and the wider impact of other forms of the media, and other constructions of masculinity within society must be acknowledged. Additionally, masculinity does not exist separately for femininity, thus to fully understand the construction on masculinity, it is necessary to understand the construction of femininity. This is particularly important because as it has been demonstrated negotiations are made between the two ideologies about what is acceptable.

What impacts the European debate about migration?

What political values and involvements impact the European argument about migration? Discuss how it affects the international instruments for migration, refuge, policing, boundary line controls, condemnable and civil jurisprudence today. Introduction Since the terminal of the Cold War, and possibly even more so in the context of Western responses to the events of 11 September 2001, the overpowering bulk of refugees are non offered refuge in the West. Rather than Alliess, they are now considered to be a security menace. Furthermore, economic migrators, one time welcomed as a necessary add-on to the labour force, are progressively perceived as a menace to security and a menace to occupations. The issue of in-migration in the EU has become progressively politicised and progressively securitised ( Huysmans 2006 ) , and has come to be a major factor in election runs across Europe. ‘Managing in-migration is now â€Å"the greatest challenge confronting all European governments† , harmonizing to John Reid, Britain ‘s place secretary. Nicolas Sarkozy, interior curate and presidential campaigner, has launched a get-tough run that may force the issue up the docket in following twelvemonth ‘s Gallic presidential election. This summer ‘s break-up of the Dutch alliance was triggered by differences over the tough policy of the in-migration curate, Rita Verdonk’ ( Economist 2006 ) . This highlights how cardinal the argument on migration is to the political relations of states across Europe. Immigration has become a cardinal issue in European political relations, one on which elections can progressively be won or lost. The European argument on migration encompasses values and involvements from across the political spectrum. Positions and beliefs about freedom, human rights, security, societal coherence, economic development and growing all play a portion in determining the European argument on migration. In this essay, I will concentrate on three of these issues – economic growing, human rights and security – analyzing which political values shape the economic, human rights and security statements which surround the in-migration argument. I will so look at how the argument has affected international instruments for migration, refuge, policing, boundary line controls, condemnable and civil jurisprudence in recent old ages. Economic growing By and large, those who prioritise economic growing have been in favor of increasing flexibleness in labour markets on the footing that free markets ( including free labor markets ) stimulate economic growing. However, as the Economist ( 2007 ) explains, ‘ [ I ] mmigration has become a complex and controversial issue for the EU, with economic benefits being weighed up against opposition from voters.’ Furthermore, while it may be considered good for economic growing at the macroeconomic degree, it is besides argued that in-migration takes occupations off from local workers ( and wages are frequently remitted to states of beginning – at least for first coevals immigrants ) therefore damaging community coherence and local economic systems. By and large, nevertheless, the economic growing statement comes down on the side of cut downing barriers to migration and points to the economic part of immigrants. The Economist ( 2006 ) , for illustration, argues that ‘gov ernments should non seek to halt all in-migration, even if they could. Immigrants ain and run stores, serve in eating houses and staff infirmaries ( many of the physicians and nurses who work in Britain ‘s wellness service have trained abroad ) .’ Human rights Human rights are besides normally cited as an statement in favor of leting in-migration or, at least, certain types of in-migration ( such as the granting of refuge ) . Indeed, international human rights instruments complement international refugee jurisprudence. As Gorlick ( 2003, 91 ) argues, the ‘development of law coming out of the UN human rights mechanisms is promoting and it provides a well-articulated legal foundation supportive of protagonism attempts on behalf of refugees.’ Human rights groups and administrations tend to be on the left of the political spectrum and be given to run for the carnival ( and normally more generous ) application of refuge. As economic and societal rights are progressively recognised as human rights, nevertheless, human rights claims can be used in the instance against leting migration by and large ( though non against asylum specifically ) on the footing that migrators take occupations off from national citizens. Security Gibney ( 2001, 41 ) explains that ‘ [ s ] ecurity is, for the most portion, an instrumental value. That is, we want it because it enables us to gain other values, such as freedom, peace of head and justness. Its instrumental function suggests that the value of any addition in security is non absolute ; it needs to be weighed against the costs it might hold to the other of import values.’ This is really of import when sing have values and involvements are converted into policy: while it may be possible to procure something or person wholly against a specific menace, the steps needed to procure them may curtail other values such as freedom to such an extent that the cost outweighs the benefit of the reduced hazard or extra security. Weiner ( 1992, 103 ) extends this statement to see how differing values in differing societies will take to differing apprehensions of security: ‘ † Security † is a societal concept with different significances in different so cieties†¦ Supplying a oasis for those who portion one ‘s values ( political freedom, for illustration ) is of import in some states, but non in others ; in some states, hence, an inflow of â€Å" freedom combatants † may non be regarded as a menace to security.’ This demonstrates that even amongst those who value ‘security’ and prioritize it in the European argument on migration, there can be broad divergency of positions on how this precedence should be reflected in policies and international instruments. Migration Rudolph ( 2003, 615 ) argues that ‘ [ w ] hat is endangering about the cloak-and-dagger entry of terrorists and the presence of sleeper cells in the fatherland is basically their invisibility—a ghost skulking in the shadows. Therefore, security would look to necessitate policies thatadditionvisibleness instead thanlesseningit.’ This provides a security-based statement to let in-migration, because legal in-migration is of course more seeable than illegal in-migration. However, this statement is non frequently applied in pattern. Generally, economic statements are made in favor of facilitaty inward migration and security statements are made to increase limitations on in-migration. The current tendency in Europe ( every bit good as the United States ) since the terminal of the Cold War and particularly since 9/11 has been to prioritize the security statements over the economic statements and this has resulted in a tightening of international in-migration controls. Refuge As Loescher ( 2003, 11 ) argues, ‘ [ R ] efugees are perceived as destabilising to national, regional and international security and as triggers for regional instability. Everywhere baneful Torahs now exist to turn away refugees and curtail their rights This state of affairs is a important going from province pattern in the Cold War when – mostly for political intents – attitudes towards refugees were far more tolerant and welcoming.’ Asylum is a right of those who have a tenable fright of persecution in their place state, enshrined in the 1951 Geneva Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees ( which about half the provinces in the universe have signed up to ) . However, as Weiner ( 1992, 109 ) explains, refugees’ ‘requests for refuge have been scrutinized non merely for whether they have a tenable fright of persecution, but for whether their presence might represent a menace to the host state. Such frights, it should be noted, are sometime s overdone, and authoritiess have frequently gone to extreme lengths to protect themselves against low degree menaces but these frights are however non ever without foundation, particularly in the context of an addition in international terrorism.’ In fact, at different times and in different topographic points, allowing refuge has been seen as a agency of keeping international security, and non a menace to ( national or international ) security. In the EU today, nevertheless, the inclination is to cut down entree to asylum, chiefly on the footing of statements about the menace that refugees pose to national and international security. This is reflected in a tightening of refuge controls in most of Europe. Patroling and boundary line controls Again, in the instance of policing and boundary line controls, the comparative prioritisation of different issues has an impact of how policy develops. Not merely that, but even within a given or agreed prioritisation, there may be broad argument and difference over what is the best agencies to accomplish those values that are prioritised. Koslowski ( 2002, 173 ) explains that in seeking to cover with organized offense, for illustration, ‘ [ R ] ather than covering with the more hard issues of altering citizenship Torahs and suiting progressively multi-ethnic societies, during the late eightiess and early 1990s, policymakers focused on stepping up boundary line controls and fastening refuge constabularies. However, Hayter ( 2000 ) provides economic, human rights and security statements in favor of loosen uping boundary line controls. Indeed, she proposes get rid ofing them wholly. Blaming refugees, or even migration more by and large, for organized offense is non a new phenomen on. However, it is an statement that is frequently disputed by experts, including the constabulary ( Hayter, 2000, 31 ) . Criminal and civil jurisprudence As Guild & A ; Minderhoud ( 2006 ) explain, the interaction of condemnable jurisprudence and migration jurisprudence defines how civil autonomies are balanced against the public protection responsibilities of the authorities. They examine the interpolation of in-migration into condemnable jurisprudence in the European Union. There are two peculiarly interesting points here. The first is that the administrative processs environing the entry, abode and/or ejection of aliens are non capable to the same methods of due procedure as those in condemnable jurisprudence. The 2nd is that in the face of turning force per unit area to control and command in-migration, assorted facets of migration have become progressively criminalised in recent old ages in the EU. Decision The European argument on migration is influenced by a huge array of different political issues and values which pull policy in conflicting waies. The policy results at any given clip depend on which issues and policies carry most strength at that given clip. Therefore while the European economic systems are by and large working rather good and in the wake of two really high profile terrorist events ( 9/11 and 7/7 bombardments ) , the current tendency is for security concerns to rule the docket. It is non hard to conceive of that this state of affairs could be reversed in the hereafter, nevertheless, and that would probably take to a more welcoming and less restrictive attack to in-migration in Europe. Bibliography Economist ( 2006 ) ‘Migration megrim: Immigration is a Europe-wide concern. It is non clear, though, that it needs a European solution’ from the Economist ( print edition ) , 14 September 2006. Economist ( 2007 ) ‘Turn back, huddled multitudes: The European Union hopes to stem the in-migration tide’ from the Economist Intelligence Unit ViewsWire 20 February 2007 ( downloaded from hypertext transfer protocol: //www.economist.com/agenda/displaystory.cfm? story_id=E1_RSNRSNP on 5 May 2007 ) Gibney, M. ( 2001 ) . Security and the moralss of refuge after 11 September.Forced Migration Review, 13, 40-42. Gorlick, B. ( 2003 ) . Refugee Protection in Troubled Times: Contemplations on Institutional and Legal Developments at the Crossroads. In N. Steiner, M. Gibney, & A ; G. Loescher,Problems of Protection: The UNHCR, Refugees, and Human Rights( pp. 79-99 ) . London: Routledge. Guild, E. & A ; Minderhoud, P. ( 2006 ) .Immigration and Criminal Law in the European Union: The Legal Measures and Social Consequences of Criminal Law in Member States on Trafficking and Smuggling in Human Beings.Leyden: Brill. Hayter, T. ( 2000 ) .Open Boundary lines: The Case Against Immigration Controls.London: Pluto Press. Huysmans, J. ( 2006 ) .The Politics of Insecurity: Fear, migration and refuge in the EU.Oxford: Routledge. Koslowski, R. ( 2002 ) . ‘Immigration, Border Control and Aging Soceites in the European Union’ .The Brown Journal of World Affairs, VIII, 2 ( pp. 169-180 ) Loescher, G. ( 2003 ) . UNHCR at Fifty: Refugee Protection and World Politics. In N. Steiner, M. Gibney, & A ; G. Loescher,Problems of Protection: The UNHCR, Refugees, and Human Rights( pp. 3-18 ) . London: Routledge. Rudolph, C. ( 2003 ) . Security and the Political Economy of International Migration.American Political Science Review, 97( 4 ) , 603-620. Weiner, M. ( 1992 ) . Security, Stability, and International Migration.International Security, 17( 3 ) , 91-126.

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